Speech by President Valdas Adamkus

Speech by 
President of the Republic of Lithuania 
Mr Valdas Adamkus 
at a Meeting in Jyväskylä to Commemorate 
the End of the Cold War, 8.11.1999

Excellencies, Distinguished Rector of the University, Mr. Mayor, Ladies and Gentlemen,

I feel honored to participate in this event, which has been organized by the city and the university, as well as by the regional non-political association for security and Keskisuomalainen newspaper. Their initiative demonstrates the importance of this date not only to politicians but also to the public at large.

This year - the last year of the century - is full of historical dates. The two of them -60 years since the start of the Second World War and the first decade of the end of the Cold War - stand out from all the other. It is difficult to decide which of the two has left a deeper mark on the European development.

The first, which cost us millions of human lives and discouraged from the use of force, made us say "never again" and accelerated the integration of the old continent.

The second, whose death toll of ideological violence is yet unknown, disclosed the impotence of communism and established democracy, human rights and market economy as the only resilient principles of the world order.

The cruelties of the Cold War fell particularly hard on the Baltic nations, which during the inter-war period also included Finland and Poland. Having suffered through decades of violence and oppression, we tend to judge the Cold War by emotions. Therefore our view of the post-cold-war Europe differs from that of other European states.

I would like to thank the organizers of this event for recognizing this special dimension of the Baltic Sea nations and giving us a possibility to share the views on the Cold War and the European development in its aftermath. I believe that now, one decade after the Cold War, we can have a better vision of the new European architecture. 

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Cold War created its own symbols - the Berlin Wall, the Spring of Prague, the Helsinki Process. It taught the Europeans behind the Iron Curtain the language of symbols. But today we can talk openly.

Not only because I find it hard to escape emotions talking about the Cold War, but also because I sincerely believe that only openness can bring down the wall which dictators had built for decades.

It is true that the Iron Curtain no longer exists. But its disappearance has exposed the differences in the economic and social development between Europe's East and West. Lithuania, which at the turn of this century had the same starting position as Finland, will need many years to overcome the consequences of oppression.

The Cold War has left a deep imprint on the thinking of the people. I view with concern how the notion of Eastern European is interpreted. Maybe because it has taken more time than expected to complete economic and democratic reforms. Or maybe because changing ourselves is no less easy than reforming a state.

I believe that the new generation will finish the work started by us. 
Their enthusiasm and dedication, which we witness today, will help to achieve our ultimate goal of creating prosperous society. Just like we, they also understand that reaching this goal depends only on their own efforts.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Cold War has taught us many lessons. But most importantly it mobilized Europe for common work.

The example of France and Germany, the pioneers of reconciliation and cooperation, inspired Poland, Lithuania and other states. Today, in the wake of the Cold War, we see emerging the Europe of new identity, strong institutions and coordinated policies.

This process has gained a particular momentum during the recent decade. The enlarging European Union introduced the single currency- the euro. It has also started developing the European security and defense identity. On the other hand, we have realized that the common house of Europe is yet incomplete.

The end of the Cold War has opened to Lithuania and other restored democracies the doors to many European institutions. But the door to the key structures, generating the greatest prosperity, security and stability, are still hard to open.

Sixty years ago the great powers approached security and stability in their own way. It was first of all their stability and their security at the expense of others. We know the results of such thinking - Austria's anschluss, the Munich Pact, the Winter War and the occupation of Poland and the Baltic countries.

But the Cold War helped us realize that security and stability are undivided. This understanding is of utmost importance today, when many threats have become worldwide.

Lithuania views itself as part of a united Europe and a member of the European Union and NATO. Membership in European and Euro-Atlantic structures will increase Lithuania's ability to contribute to the European stability and prosperity. Membership in Euro-Atlantic institutions is also a significant political and psychological factor, which will strengthen our feeling of security.

The Cold War stereotypes still burden us. The Baltic states are often referred to by the militaries as indefensible. And their membership in the Euro-Atlantic structures is therefore viewed as a concern rather than a benefit.

This argument is as groundless as the fear that the Baltic states' membership in NATO would upset the geopolitical balance of the Baltic region. Arguments like that remind of the Cold War reasoning.

The West Berlin was also considered indefensible. But can democratic countries of market economy pose a threat to anyone?

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We all have a common neighbor - Russia. We all are interested in mutually beneficial co-operation and good neighborly relations with her. But our hopes that democracy and market economy will instantly take root in Russia have not been fully met.

I believe that Russia will find its way to integrate into Europe. Russia is part of the ongoing developments on the continent. It was and will remain an active participant of all processes. I believe this serves the interests of all.

The Cold War is usually identified with constant threat and tension. Can we say that the present day Europe is free of them? Hardly, as Bosnia and Kosovo show.

Today we talk about the 'new' threats: illegal migration, smuggling and trafficking of drugs and arms. We need to coordinate our activities in strengthening border controls and fighting against organized crime and illicit trafficking. It is also necessary to strengthen democratic institutions and market economy of the countries in transition. In these spheres the Baltic Sea region has achieved much.

Indeed, a unique community of nations has emerged in the Baltic Rim, where different languages, religions, models of governance, economic development, historical experience and security policies meet. The Baltic region is like a miniature model of the world, whose successful development draws the attention of the other regions and states. I think we all are responsible for strengthening and expanding the spirit of Baltic cooperation.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Cold War is most likely the only war in history in which Europe has been a winner. It has taught us once again that sooner or later oppression is doomed to fail. Any attempt to change the natural course of history ruins the oppressed and the oppressors. The strength of the new Europe stems from the shared values. The most important of them are human rights, security, stability, democracy and social welfare economy.

The post-cold-war Europe has a new face. I am certain that this Europe does not harbor either secret agreements or intentions to divide security into 'ours' and 'theirs'.

Today history has given us a chance to consolidate the new role of Europe. I believe that united Europe will be stronger Europe. I believe that we have learned well the lessons of the Cold War. 

Thank you.